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Making This
Divided State

Director Steven
Greenstreet interviews an angry Kay Anderson. Photo courtesy Minority Films.
Few documentarians are fortunate enough to have such
rich and compelling subject matter simply fall into their laps, as was the case
with me in This Divided State. I had
only lived in Utah for 18 months, but having been raised a Mormon, I had a
familiarity with the culture and the deep-rooted conservative values within. I
knew that communities in Utah represented a certain aspect of nostalgic
Americana people felt they needed to fight to keep alive: a flag-waving, church
going, and nuclear family of Republicans.
There exists a general attitude here that Utah is
³special², some even call it ³Zion² or ³Godıs Country.² They view ³the world²
as an ever-encroaching evil, an evil trying to institute progressive thinking
among traditionalists. So when Utah Valley State College (UVSC) announced that
its student body officers had invited Michael Moore to speak at their campus,
war was declared, lines were drawn, and the community was torn in two.
I knew the Moore controversy would spread like wild
fire, and I wanted to try stay ahead of the flames. However, right at the
beginning of production, I ran into problems I was attending Brigham Young
University full time, I had a job as a video editor on campus, and I only had a
crew of three. So I made the quick decision to drop out of school, quit my job,
and declare UVSC my new home for the next 4 months.
During the first big day of shooting, I had the good
fortune of meeting up with a group of UVSC communication students who were also
interested in documenting the unfolding controversy. We joined forces and
equipped ourselves with a total of 9 cameras and 18 crewmembers. Over the next
three months, we had a camera at every event. And we never stopped rolling.
³Complete and utter chaos,² is how Assistant Director
Elias Pate describes the first few days of shooting. ³A maddening conundrum of
what the hell is going on?ı²
The next challenge facing us was the completely
spontaneous nature of the developing narrative. We were often lucky to have
five minutes notice for a protest or hallway debate. Consequently, I acquired 3
speeding and 8 parking tickets in a matter of weeks because of my haste to get
from location to location. Manpower and cell phones became the two elements of
success as well as primal intuition. If we spotted a student with a ³I Love
Moore² shirt on, we sent at least two camera guys to track him. Local news
crews were a given hot spot for ad-libbed debate and one-liners. And every so often, weıd even send out
small camera groups to roam the local streets and neighborhoods looking for
anything interesting or out-of-place.
At the end of the first week of shooting, we had
identified all of our key subjects and began to focus most of our time around
them. Kay Anderson quickly and easily became the most interesting character of
them all. A man in his mid-40ıs and neighbor to UVSC, he proclaimed himself
leader of the anti-Moore charge and spent nearly every day on campus protesting
and debating. He was quick to verbally label pro-Moore students ³ignorant²,
³selfish², ³evil², or ³anti-American.² He seemed to be constantly enraged and
never shied away from expressing his true emotions. During a public panel
discussion, Mr. Anderson flashed a personal $25,000 check in an attempt to
bribe the administration to uninvited Moore.
Another happenstance character was Ken Brown, UVSC
student and Michael Moore look-a-like. Kenıs stature, weight, and short beard
were topped with copyrighted Moore baseball cap, jacket, jeans, and tennis
shoes. Strangely, he professed himself a strong supporter of George W. Bush and
a rock-solid Republican, but he still believed Michael Moore had a right to
speak on campus. ³People here in Utah need to open their minds,² he stated.
Kenıs uncanny resemblance to Moore continued to turn heads and even brought the
ire on a few confused protesters. ³Luckily, I havenıt been egged yet.²
Then came the announcement that FOX News pundit Sean
Hannity was coming one week before Moore to provide ³balance² to the liberal
filmmaker. This brought an expected applause from the Republican community, but
it further emboldened their fight to prevent Michael Moore from coming. Hannity
would come for ³free², but UVSC would have to pay his travel expenses.
My crew had daily meetings in order to keep track of
footage, plan interviews, and keep track of legal papers. ³Legal releases
became a nightmare!² sighs Production Manager Michelle Pate. ³We had dozens of
people arguing and being interviewed by five different cameras at once! I had
to run back and forth in order to keep up with everyone and get the releases
signed.²
As
the days turned into weeks, my film crew began to capture the deeper reasons as
to why Moore was such an ³insult to the community². The original protest was
that the school was using student funds to bring Michael Moore and that it was
a ³violation² to do so. But those arguments soon fell to the way side and
became only an echo to the current tide of resistance.
³I
want you to tell me the real issues of what this is really about! And donıt mention
money!² was the cry of Humanities Professor Alex Caldeiro. ³Itıs about
ideology,² confessed Kay Anderson. ³This man [Michael Moore] does not represent
the values of this community.²
All
crew members plus 13 extra hands were present for the much publicized Hannity
and Moore speeches. Outside, we had four cameras capturing protests while five
cameras would cover the speeches inside. I had a lucky encounter as I cornered
Sean Hannity in a hallway with my camera. I asked him about the $50,000 UVSC
spent on his private jet. After taking 10 seconds to dodge the question, one of
his security guards grabbed me and pinned me against a wallwhile the camera
rolled on. And so the circus continued. And as Mooreıs speech approached, we
wondered what would happen. Would people from the community actually turn out
to see Michael Moore? Would millionaire Kay Anderson and his lawyers prevent him
from coming?
As
the film came to a close, we found ourselves with 67 hours of raw footage and
the task began to edit it down to 88 minutes. But, alas, the infamous Kay
Anderson rose his head once more, this time against myself and my crew. He
stated that the release document that he had signed was suddenly ³revoked² and
that he would sue me if I released my film. He went as far as to threaten me
with a temporary restraining order against any showing of This Divided State. This caused great stress and
grief among the filmmakers for we had seen the power Mr. Anderson wielded with
his money and his friends in the judicial courts. Luckily, the court of public
opinion struck hard as local newspapers blasted him for attempting to prevent
free speech and public information. He soon reversed his decision to sue, but
the threat of legal action still looms.
The monster that was created from the Michael Moore
controversy lingers even still in Utah. There is a sense of division, even
deeper than before, and no one speaks of healing or unity. This Divided
State is an
un-flinching observation of how citizens will go to the greatest lengths to
stand up for what they believe is right, even if that means sacrificing
civility and brotherhood. It could be said that maybe a monster wasnıt created
from all this, maybe it just showed itıs true face for the first time.
-Steven
Greenstreet